(In this respect, the campaign of Massachusetts Sen. Building a broad-based coalition? Setting priorities? Reaching out to segments of the electorate who didn't start out swooning for the candidate? Acting like a retail politician, selling a message to voters, meeting them part way, working to get them to buy in? All of that is beneath the One True Thing and the activists sitting at his feet. This is the fantasy of the true believer who allows himself to forget the political rules - or who assumes he's simply so superhuman that he possesses the power to suspend those rules with his convictions and self-evidently appealing message. But winning the presidency while sweeping a supermajority of wannabe socialists into both houses of Congress along with him? You've got to be kidding. Sanders did much better than Weld at the first part of the electoral triathlon he set for himself. William Weld might have taken down the sitting president. Just as it was possible that the primary challenge to Trump by former Massachusetts Gov. Possible? I suppose it could have happened. He and his supporters wanted what they wanted, and they had faith that if he promised it over and over again without variation, the voters would respond and the candidate would prevail - in the primaries, and then against Trump in the general, and apparently even in the Senate, where of course a socialist president would be incapable of getting even the first piece of his revolutionary program passed without a 60+ majority of left-progressives. None of that seemed to matter to Sanders. Go right on down the line of the campaign's policy positions and the candidate's revolutionary rhetoric on the stump and in debates: At no point was there the slightest sign of an inclination toward moderation, compromise, or conciliation no acknowledgement of a need for trade-offs or adjustment of expectations in the face of economic or fiscal limits no sense that Sanders understood that lots of people besides his billionaire betes noires prefer something between socialism and the cartoonishly pro-business approach of present-day Republicans or that many millions of Americans both deeply dislike the current president and yet have no desire to see $60 trillion in new government spending. And who loved to point to different polls that showed strong support for Medicare-for-all, while dismissing many others that revealed serious apprehensions about it when its painful corollaries (like the abolition of private insurance and a gargantuan price tag) were presented to respondents. Which is pretty much what one would expect from a man who insisted on referring to himself as a socialist, despite polling that consistently showed the unpopularity of the term. In the end, Sanders won fewer states this time around (9) than Rick Santorum did in the GOP primaries eight years ago (11). But as soon as the competition dropped out, that path became impossible. If that division continued, there was a small chance that Sanders could have reproduced Donald Trump's 2016 inside straight and eeked out a plurality victory in the race for delegates. This was obscured for a time by his campaign's continued strength at organizing caucuses (in Iowa and Nevada) and by a field that was deeply divided during the opening weeks of the primaries.

Without Clinton as an opponent and foil, Sanders proved incapable of performing the same magic trick again, let alone building on it. Part of the problem, I suspect, is that he believed his surprisingly impressive showing in 2016 was a function of the widespread appeal of his (in an American context) radical message rather than what it almost certainly was: a combination of genuine enthusiasm among the young and broad-based dislike for Hillary Clinton. That made Sanders a quintessential idealist who bought into magical thinking. But he apparently decided that he wanted to run for president as a prototypical leftist preaching a gospel of political revolution instead. His long-term record on guns and other issues shows that he was quite willing to make moderate moves in his mostly rural home state. As an experienced pol, Sanders obviously knows this. They need to reach out to voters who don't immediately and instinctually respond to the purest form of their message. To win elections, politicians need to build broad coalitions.

But Sanders also campaigned for the presidency in a way that showed an almost absurd disregard for the realities of small-d democratic politics.

Bernie sanders magical trees